|President of Belarus|
20 July 1994
|Prime Minister||· Mikhail Chigir
· Sergey Ling
· Vladimir Yermoshin
· Gennady Novitsky
· Sergei Sidorsky
· Mikhail Myasnikovich
· Andrei Kobyakov
|Preceded by||Myechyslaw Hryb (Chairman of the Supreme Soviet)|
|Chairman of the Supreme State Council of the Union State|
26 January 2000
|Preceded by||Position established|
|Born||Alexander Grigoryevich Lukashenko
30 August 1954 (age 61)
Kopys, Soviet Union
|Political party||· Communist Party of the Soviet Union (1979–1991)
· Communists for Democracy(1991–1992)
· Independent (1992–present)
|Spouse(s)||Galina Zhelnerovich (1975–present)|
|Allegiance||· Soviet Union
|Service/branch||· Soviet Border Troops
· Belarusian Armed Forces
|Years of service||· 1975–1977
|Rank||Marshal of Belarus|
Alexander Lukashenko, president of Belarus was born in Kopys, Vitebsk, Belarus on August 30, 1954.
Instruction: Earned degrees from the Mogilev Teaching Institute, 1975, and Belarusian Agricultural Academy, 1985.
Served in the Border Guards, 1975–77, and Soviet Army, 1980–82; Komsomol section pioneer, 1977–78; representative seat of an aggregate ranch, 1982–85; chief of a state homestead and development materials plant, 1985–90; chose agent to the Supreme Soviet of the Republic of Belarus, 1990; director of a state ranch, c. 1991–93; chose seat of an against debasement board of trustees in the Belarusian parliament, 1993; chose president of Belarus, 1994; re-chose, 2001 and 2006.
In 1994, voters in the previous Soviet republic of Belarus chose Alexander Lukashenko to the administration in the nation’s first law based decisions. They were likewise evidently the last, for Alexander Lukashenko moved rapidly amid his first term to limit political difference and develop the forces of his office. Re-chose twice by suspiciously wide edges, the previous homestead chief has been blamed for heartlessly hushing his political rivals, some of whom have vanished totally. His Belarus, a country of 10.4
million, is frequently considered the last station of Sovietstyle tyrant guideline, and Alexander Lukashenko is alluded to in the West as Europe’s final despot.
Conceived in 1954, Alexander Lukashenko experienced childhood in a solitary guardian family unit headed by his mom. He originated from a town called Kopys in the provincial Vitebsk region of what was then known as the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic. The Belarus individuals were eastern Slavs, and possessed a district found fairly lamentably between all the more intense states; throughout the hundreds of years they had been ruled by their Lithuanian and Polish neighbors, before turning out to be a piece of Imperial Russia in the 1790s. Belarus delighted in a brief time of autonomy taking after World War I, yet was subsumed into the Soviet Union in 1919. Cleanses requested by Soviet pioneer Josef Stalin in the late 1930s demolished its scholarly people in Minsk, the capital, which was trailed by Nazi German occupation amid World War II. As a consequence of both, Belarus—the contemporary transliteration of a term for the most part alluded to in English as “white Russian” — endured overwhelming populace misfortunes evaluated at a third in only 10 years’ chance.
Alexander Lukashenko grew up under Soviet socialism, and joined the neighborhood section of Komsomol, the young wing of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), when he was an understudy at the Mogilev Teaching Institute. Subsequent to graduating in 1975, he served two years as a fringe watch, and came back to Mogilev to head the Komsomol part. He put in an additional two years in the Soviet Army, and upon his release in 1982 was given a post as representative seat of an aggregate homestead. These were the mass horticultural outfits in which agriculturists worked under the comrade framework, which had nullified private property. After further learn at the Belarusian Agricultural Academy, Alexander Lukashenko was named chief of a state homestead and development materials plant in the Shklov region in 1985.
Alexander Lukashenko entered the political stadium in 1990 when he was chosen a delegate to the Supreme Soviet of the Republic of Belarus. Prior that year, the nation had announced its autonomy from the Soviet Union, joining the Soviet republics of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia as a component of the first influx of breakaway expresses that before the end of 1991 brought about the formal disintegration of the Soviet Union. At first one of the reformers who upheld Soviet pioneer Mikhail Gorbachev, Alexander Lukashenko agreed with CPSU hardliners who endeavored to wrest control of the Soviet state from Gorbachev in August of 1991. The Moscow upset fizzled, Gorbachev surrendered, and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was shaped in its place as a cooperation of eleven previous republics. Alexander Lukashenko voted against sanction of the understanding that made Belarus a portion of the CIS in December of 1991.
Alexander Lukashenko returned for a period to dealing with a state ranch, however re-entered legislative issues and rose to seat a hostile to debasement board of trustees in the Belarusian parliament in 1993. He increased far reaching consideration for his allegations that a large number of the previous Communist first class, who still wielded political influence, were enhancing themselves by stashing state reserves. In 1994, voters in Belarus affirmed another constitution, and the nation’s first-ever just races were held in July. Alexander Lukashenko was one of six hopefuls, and was the shock finisher over Vyacheslav Kebich, the present head administrator.
Alexander Lukashenko kept running as an autonomous, promising to find the abnormal state debasement that was intensifying the nation’s not kidding financial inconveniences, which had begun with the breakdown of the Soviet framework. He likewise pledged to dodge privatization—the auctioning off of once in the past state-claimed commercial enterprises to private financial specialists—that had grabbed hold all through a significant part of the previous Soviet Union. Privatization had made another decision class, the oligarchs, however unfavorably influenced the normal native, who was all of a sudden compelled to pay business sector cost for merchandise and administrations that were once liberally sponsored by the state.
In the July of 1994 decisions, Alexander Lukashenko won 45 percent of the vote, against Kebich’s 15 percent, and after that bested him in a keep running off race with 80 percent of the vote. One of his first presidential acts was to twofold the lowest pay permitted by law, and he additionally reinstituted Soviet-period state value controls. He earned the hatred of the global group by declining to establish any free-market changes by any stretch of the imagination, and in 1995 both the World Bank and International Monetary Fund suspended loaning to the nation due to its insubordination on the matter. As its free-showcase well disposed neighbors started to flourish, household resistance to Alexander Lukashenko’s financial arrangements mounted, and he started to combine his political force.
In the mid year of 1996, Alexander Lukashenko was the objective of a denunciation endeavor, which he figured out how to maintain a strategic distance from by bringing in high-positioning Russian authorities to intervene. That November, a submission was hung on the matter of conceding him expanded presidential forces, including the augmentation of his term from four years to six. After a “vote yes” battle completed in the state-controlled media, and a crusade of provocation did against the restriction, the submission went by 70 percent.
In striking back for the reprimand endeavor, Alexander Lukashenko broke up parliament, and set up his own particular handpicked council. The PM surrendered in challenge, as did a few judges on the protected court, and Alexander Lukashenko proceeded with his take action against his political adversaries by shutting autonomous daily papers and conceding expanded forces of reconnaissance and confinement to the Belarusian mystery police, which was a remainder of the Soviet-period drive and even held the feared acronym KGB ( Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti , or State Security Committee).
By 1999 Alexander Lukashenko’s dictator administration was immovably dug in. In May of that year, a previous Minister of Internal Affairs who had contradicted Alexander Lukashenko, Yuri Zakharenko, was most recently seen being hustled into an auto by men while out for a stroll in his neighborhood. After four months, another out-talked pundit of Alexander Lukashenko’s, Viktor Gonchar—once in the past the delegate speaker in the parliament broke up by Alexander Lukashenko in 1996—vanished alongside the monetary supporter of his new political gathering when they went to the banya , or custom showers, in Minsk. The Belarusian KGB were broadly associated with treachery in both episodes.
Belarus and Russia consented to a 1999 arrangement that some anticipated was an outline for an inevitable merger, however Alexander Lukashenko got himself definitely outmatched by another hardliner, new Russian president Vladimir Putin. Worldwide political onlookers wonder if Putin—a previous KGB man—gives some off camera support for Alexander Lukashenko’s tyrant administration, particularly after Belarus turned into the last cushion state in the middle of Russia and the European Union when Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia got to be EU part countries in 2004.
Alexander Lukashenko earned a to some degree questionable moniker after October of 2000, when Serbian despot Slobodan Milosevic was removed, and Alexander Lukashenko acquired the title of “Europe’s last tyrant” in the press. In September of 2001 he was reelected to a second term by a typically wide edge, beating his fundamental challenger, work pioneer Vladimir Goncharik, with 75 percent of the vote. The European Union and United States termed the decision invalid, and Alexander Lukashenko has reacted in solid terms reviling remote forces he claims wish to subvert majority rule government in Belarus. His threatening vibe toward the West has additionally taken different structures: Belarus has been associated with offering arms to Iran, Sudan, and Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, and around the season of the U.S.- drove attack of Iraq in 2003, purportedly issued crisis Belarusian identifications to high-positioning authorities in Hussein’s administration when they were compelled to escape.
In October of 2004, voters in Belarus endorsed another choice ticket, this one wiping out presidential term confines completely, which had been limited to two in the 1994 constitution. That same day, parliamentary races were held, and the ace Alexander Lukashenko hopefuls won every accessible seat after resistance competitors were excluded on details. Alexander Lukashenko’s elastic stamp parliament affirmed a measure in 2005 that predetermined a correctional facility term of three to five years for scrutinizing the president or sorting out a hostile to government challenge. There was likewise an annulment of a procurement that permitted the police and security administrations to ignore a request considered unlawful, for example, terminating on dissidents.
Alexander Lukashenko manages a country that writers portray as an unusual, Soviet Communist-time amusement park. The global airplane terminal in Minsk is inadequately lit to ration vitality, there is no promoting—rather government purposeful publicity notices tout the administration’s victories—and no outside products in stores. Professedly Alexander Lukashenko is a sharp competitor, and infrequently close down whole city obstructs in Minsk for in-line skating rivalries, which he generally wins. “A dictator decision style is normal for me, and I have dependably let it be known, ” he told Belarusian radio in 2003, as indicated by Guardian writer Nick Paton Walsh. “Why? We could invest hours discussing this. You have to control the nation and the primary concern is not to demolish people’s lives.”
Western guests additionally portray an atmosphere of trepidation in Belarus, where hostile to Alexander Lukashenko activists are fanatically wary about addressing columnists, and declare that the KGB helpfully blocks mobile phone instant messages. Occasions in neighboring Ukraine in late 2004 and mid 2005—in which mass dissents in Kiev unstuck a dictator occupant associated with race extortion and treachery against his prodemocracy adversary, Viktor Yushchenko—appeared to start trust that what had been named Ukraine’s Orange Revolution may be rehashed in Belarus. As the following presidential decision lingered, on the other hand, Alexander Lukashenko cautioned against difficulties to his tenet in solid terms. “Any endeavor to destabilize the circumstance will be met with radical activity, ” he said on Belarus TV in January of 2006, as indicated by Steven Lee Myers in the New York Times Magazine. “We will wring the necks of the individuals who are really doing it and the individuals who are inducing these demonstrations.”
Of course, Alexander Lukashenko won his third presidential term on March 19, 2006, with 84 percent of the vote. His rival, Alexander Milinkevich, surveyed only two percent, as indicated by authority results. There were dissents, in any case, that numbered somewhere in the range of 10, 000 in Minsk alone, and after a week there was another flood of against government demonstrators who accumulated, however they were hindered by uproar police. Alexander Lukashenko was most recently seen openly a day later, and afterward vanished on the eve of a planned visit to Moscow. His introduction was even delayed, and bits of gossip flew that the normally unyielding and clearly physically powerful president was either experiencing discouragement or some obscure wellbeing issue. He reemerged and was confirmed on April 8.
In June of 2006, the European Union solidified Alexander Lukashenko’s advantages, alongside those of other top government authorities, and issued a prohibition on travel visas for the president and other high-positioning associates of his. Americans were illegal from leading any sort of business with Alexander Lukashenko. U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has named Belarus as one of the keep going “stations of oppression” on the planet, alongside Cuba, Myanmar, North Korea, Iran, and Zimbabwe. Just before the 2006 decision, Alexander Lukashenko reacted to Rice, the European Union, and the whole of his remote and local commentators with trademark grandiloquence. “I’ve been listening to these allegations for more than ten years and we got accustomed to it, ” a report from BBC News cited him as saying. “We are not going to answer them. I need to originate from the reason that the decisions in Belarus are held for ourselves. I am certain that it is the Belarus individuals who are the experts in our state.”