Cristina Kirchner
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner
Cristina Kirchner
President of Argentina
Incumbent
Assumed office
10 December 2007
Vice President Julio Cobos
Amado Boudou
Preceded by Néstor Kirchner
Succeeded by Mauricio Macri (elect)
First Lady of Argentina
In office
25 May 2003 – 10 December 2007
Preceded by Hilda de Duhalde
Succeeded by Néstor Kirchner
as First Gentleman
Personal details
Born Cristina Elisabet Fernández
19 February 1953 (age 62)
La Plata, Argentina
Political party Justicialist
Other political
affiliations
Front for Victory (2003–present)
Spouse(s) Néstor Kirchner (m. 1975; his death 2010)
Children Máximo
Florencia
Residence Quinta de Olivos
Alma mater National University of La Plata
Religion Roman Catholicism
Signature signature of Cristina Kirchner
Website Official website

Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, née Cristina Fernández (born February 19, 1953, La Plata, Argentina), Argentine lawyer and legislator . In 2007 She became the first female president of Argentina. She succeeded her spouse, Néstor Kirchner, who was president from 2003 to 2007.

Cristina Kirchner went to the National University of La Plata, where she met Kirchner, a kindred law understudy. In 1975 she and Kirchner wedded. After one year, after the military junta seized control of Argentina, the couple fled La Plata for Néstor’s main residence of Río Gallegos in the Patagonian province of Santa Cruz. There they opened a law rehearse and, with the arrival of majority rule government in 1983, got to be dynamic in constituent legislative issues. Cristina Kirchner was a provincial agent to the Justicialist (Peronist) Party (PJ) tradition in 1985 and was later chosen to the provincial governing body. Her spouse won decision as leader of Río Gallegos in 1987, and in 1991 she turned into the first woman of Santa Cruz when her spouse was chosen to the first of three back to back four-year terms as provincial representative.

Cristina Kirchner twice spoke to Santa Cruz in the Argentine Senate (1995–97, 2001–05). She likewise served (1997–2001) in the Chamber of Deputies. During her residency in Congress, she was one of the PJ’s most vocal faultfinders of the Peronist administration of Pres. Carlos Menem, voting as often as possible against his administrative initiatives. Her spouse accepted the administration on May 25, 2003, after Menem—facing a certain misfortune to Kirchner in a brief moment round overflow—pulled back from that year’s presidential race.

In 2005 Kirchner was in a battle with previous president Eduardo Duhalde for control of the PJ in the vital province of Buenos Aires, where 38 percent of the Argentine populace lived. The battle crested in October when Cristina Kirchner squared off against Duhalde’s life partner, Hilda González de Duhalde, in the Buenos Aires province senatorial race. In that challenge Cristina Kirchner won 46 percent of the vote, effortlessly defeating González de Duhalde, who guaranteed only 20 percent. While the prominent triumph offered her spouse some assistance with winning affirmation as the undisputed leader of Peronism, it likewise reaffirmed Cristina Kirchner’s growing political influence and insulated her against charges of inexperience during her own keep running for the administration in 2007.

In 2007 Kirchner chose not to keep running for reelection, and Cristina Kirchner started campaigning for the administration. She held a commanding lead in the surveys, and in the race on October 28 she caught 45 percent of the final presidential vote count, almost twofold that of her nearest rival, Elisa Carrió, who earned 23 percent. Cristina Kirchner formally expected office on December 10, 2007, to begin a four-year term. Very quickly she experienced feedback from the United States, which asserted it had intercepted crusade assets sent from the Venezuelan government of Hugo Chávez.

Mark P. Jones

The following spring Cristina Kirchner forced another assessment framework to altogether increase fare charges on grains in an endeavor to control Argentine sustenance costs. Her activities were met with extensive scale strikes and dissents by agriculturists’ unions all through the nation, who complained that the increase would diminish their benefits. Roadways were blocked so grain trucks couldn’t pass, resulting in nourishment deficiencies. The strikes continued for four months and split the nation into sides: the individuals who bolstered the government and the individuals who pushed for the ranchers. In June Cristina Kirchner consented to present the measure to Congress. The increase in charges was affirmed by the Chamber of Deputies yet was rejected by the Argentine Senate by one vote. In the midterm administrative decisions held in June 2009, the president’s ruling coalition lost force in both places of Congress. The outcomes mirrored her declining fame and also that of her spouse, who lost his race for a congressional seat.

The Kirchners bounced back from that misfortune, notwithstanding, because of a divided restriction and a booming economy. Cristina Kirchner sought after prevalent social projects, and in July 2010 she marked enactment that made Argentina the first nation in Latin America to permit same-sex marriage. Additionally in 2010 Cristina Kirchner’s administration engineered an effective obligation swap with 66% of the “holdout” loan bosses who had rejected Argentina’s 2005 restructuring of obligation whereupon the nation had defaulted in 2001. That swap, combined with that of 2005, guaranteed that more than 90 percent of the original bondholders took part in a restructuring understanding.

Cristina Kirchner’s spouse was viewed as a reasonable applicant in the 2011 presidential decision, and his sudden passing in October 2010 activated far reaching sensitivity for Cristina Kirchner, who battled for reelection in his stead. On October 23, 2011, just about a year to the day after her spouse’s demise, Cristina Kirchner won an avalanche triumph to secure a second term as Argentina’s president, and her ruling party recovered its larger part in Congress. In January 2012 she took a 20-day restorative leave from office to be dealt with for thyroid tumor. Then again, her representative along these lines reported that Cristina Kirchner had been misdiagnosed, as therapeutic tests uncovered no tumor cells in her thyroid, which had been uprooted.

Climbing inflation started to undermine the Argentine economy, as value and fare controls forced by Cristina Kirchner’s government demonstrated to a great extent ineffective. The economy was likewise undermined by banks who had declined to acknowledge any of the prior obligation restructuring and who embraced ongoing lawful endeavors to recoup all the cash they had loaned to the Argentine government. In June 2014 Cristina Kirchner was not able keep Argentina from going into specialized default after the U.S. Preeminent Court picked not to hear Argentina’s allure of a lower court choice that had requested the nation to pay the first tranche of a sum of about $15 billion to the U.S. flexible investments that had declined to rebuild the obligation. That choice disallowed Argentina from making interest installments to those loan bosses who had consented to restructuring.

In January 2015 the as yet struggling economy turned into an optional sympathy toward Cristina Kirchner, as she ended up at the focal point of an outrage involving the passing of an extraordinary prosecutor who had been investigating the 1994 vehicle bombing of a Jewish group focus in Buenos Aires in which 85 individuals were murdered. On January 18—the day preceding he was booked to affirm before Congress and a few days subsequent to releasing a report in which he blamed Cristina Kirchner for trying to undermine his investigation—the prosecutor, Alberto Nisman, was discovered dead of a shot injury to his head in his loft. Nisman, who had started investigating the bombing in 2004 and who had finished up at an opportune time that the government of Iran was behind the assault, blamed Cristina Kirchner, her remote minister, and others of engaging in arrangements with Iran to conceal the obligation of Iranian government authorities for the bombing consequently for Iran entering into an exchange manage Argentina. Not long after the disclosure of Nisman’s passing, the president reported her conviction that he had executed himself. As open shock mounted and paranoid notions twirled, then again, Cristina Kirchner utilized online networking as a gathering to turn around her position. She indicated that she now trusted that Nisman had been the casualty of unfairness and that maverick intelligence operators had deluded him regarding her involvement in the bombing investigation in an endeavor to besmirch her reputation.Building on that announcement, Cristina Kirchner went on TV on January 27 to declare her arrangements to disband the nation’s residential intelligence office, the Secretariat of Intelligence (SI), and to send Congress enactment to make another, more straightforward security association.

Cristina Kirchner was disallowed by the constitution from running for another term in the 2015 presidential race. Her handpicked successor, Daniel Scioli, the previous legislative leader of Buenos Aires province, was thought to be something of a shoo-in, yet he just barely won the first round of voting in October and neglected to gain the 45 percent of the vote important to keep a spillover decision. That overflow, hung on November 22, was won by the preservationist competitor, Mauricio Macri, who took around 51 per

 

 

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